The Morning: Trump’s law enforcement
The New York Times <nytdirect@nytimes.com>
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2025-09-29 13:00
Good morning. Here’s the latest news: Church shooting: Two more bodies were pulled from the burned remains of a Latter-day Saints church in Michigan. A man crashed a pickup truck into the building on Sunday morning and then opened fire on worshipers. New York: Mayor Eric Adams dropped out of the race for re-election. More news is below. But first, a look at President Trump’s tactics on crime.
Street sweepA month after President Trump called in federal troops, he says there’s “no crime” in the nation’s capital. But his administration is finding more of it than ever. You’d be forgiven for thinking a crime wave began precisely when troops arrived. Arraignments — hearings at which arrested people learn what charges they face — have dragged into the wee hours of the morning. One marathon session this month finished after 1 a.m. This is the president’s vision for law enforcement. He believes that crimes should be prosecuted to the max, and that low-level violations set a permissive climate for nastier ones. So National Guard troops have helped officers book Washingtonians for open alcohol containers, vandalism and shoplifting. (They’re also headed to Portland to quell protests and Memphis to fight more crime.) Here’s the thing about a crackdown: You find as many crimes as you look for, and the Trump administration is looking more assiduously than before. Arrests have surged, and witnesses are reporting fewer crimes. But that doesn’t mean more people are getting punished. Today’s newsletter is about the new tough-on-crime tactics and how they’re working. A controversial ideaPresident Nixon in 1971 called drug abuse “a national emergency.” To stop it, Nixon’s successors rolled out mandatory minimum sentences, parole restrictions and no-tolerance policing strategies. Local politicians from both parties promised to lock up more criminals. One prominent theory that took shape in New York City, called “broken windows,” held that jailing window smashers, turnstile jumpers and public drinkers would discourage more serious offenders. Proponents said harsher clampdowns meant less crime. Policymakers brought these ideas to cities like Chicago and Los Angeles. Trump, too, is a believer. When he took office this year, his attorney general issued a memo telling prosecutors to “charge and pursue the most serious, readily provable offenses.” But it’s not clear these strategies work. There’s little evidence that minor neighborhood disorder inspires more crime, according to a recent analysis of nearly 100 studies. And cities that singled out low-level offenses in the 1990s and early 2000s enjoyed no special reduction in crime rates. Violent crime fell in those places, but it fell almost everywhere. Save for a pandemic spike, violent crime has been declining for decades. Meanwhile, the conviction rate for misdemeanors plummeted — from 46 percent to 8 percent over four decades in New York City, for instance. Prosecutors spent time and money building cases they wouldn’t win. All the while, prison populations boomed as cities arrested and incarcerated far more Black and Latino men. Eventually, big cities abandoned the philosophy. A federal court said some of the brashest strategies violated the Constitution. Police departments focused on more serious crimes.
A repriseNow the broken-windows approach is back, and already the same challenges have emerged in Washington:
The U.S. attorney’s office in Washington did not respond to requests for comment. Trump might have declared victory in D.C., but courtrooms tell a more nuanced story. Throwing the book at every offender has clogged the courts and made it harder to win convictions. The same may soon happen in Memphis.
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